



* . . 






Reprinted from the October 1903 Number of 
THE IOWA JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND POLITICS 
Published at Iowa City Iowa by 
The State Historical Society of Iowa 







4 




THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARTY 
ORGANIZATION IN 10 WA 



\ 



In Exchange 

Society. 

10 J! 190? 


: 

• t 
« • • 


$ 





THE DEVELOPMENT OF PARTY ORGANIZA¬ 
TION IN IOWA 


The importance of party organization is but dimly recog¬ 
nized by the average citizen. The part it plays in the work¬ 
ing of our governmental system—from the school district 
to the national government itself—is not generally under¬ 
stood by the great mass of voters in whose loyal adherence 
it finds its chief support. Though the fact of organization is 
seen on every hand, the motives which are behind it, the 
methods used by it, and the results attained through it are 
not so evident. On the contrary, there is a distinct lack of 
appreciation of the real significance of these great organiza¬ 
tions whose beginnings date back to our first experience as 
a nation. This unsatisfactory condition is due partly to 
actual ignorance and partly to the confusion which has 
arisen from the extreme emphasis placed by many students 
of politics upon that portion of the party organization which 
has come to be known popularly as the “machine.” The 
failure to distinguish properly between the rural party 
organization and that of the city has added to this confusion. 
Indeed, the question of rural party organization has been 
almost wholly neglected, while that of municipal party 
organization has received extended discussion and has been 
taken as representative of the organization throughout the 
entire country. And this is the real situation in spite of the 
fact that the great majority of our people are members of 
the rural organizations. 


4 


The study of party organization in its larger aspects is a 
work of the future, but it is a work which must be accom¬ 
plished before any adequate understanding of oar party 
history and our governmental theory can be attained. A 
number of points of view will be elucidated in such a study. 
Among these are: (1) the party organization as the agent 
of the people in the administration of government in harmo¬ 
nizing the interests of the legislative and executive depart¬ 
ments; (2) party organization as a unifying force in the life 
of the people; (3) the psychology of party organization; (4) 
the significance of party discipline; (5) the influence of party 
organization upon the social, educational, and even religious 
life of the people; (6) the immense power wielded by the 
organization through the control of party nominations. In 
addition to these are the well worn questions of the spoils 
system, the corrupt use of money, and the use of the party 
machinery to promote the selfish interests of the party man¬ 
agers. In all these different phases the subject of party 
organization offers opportunities for investigations which 
will, no doubt, be valuable contributions to our stock of 
knowledge and throw additional light upon our local and 
national history. 

The following brief account of the beginnings of the party 
organizations in Iowa is not an attempt to discuss the subject 
in the manner suggested above, but is simply the founda¬ 
tion for a future study in which the elaboration of these 
points of view may be undertaken. For the present, it is 
the purpose to trace the development of party machinery in 
Iowa from its beginning to its present perfect state. The 
result will be the outline of the mechanism of our political 


parties; their motives and methods are reserved for future 
consideration. 

There are two kinds of party organization, the distinction 
between which should be made at the outset. There is 
what may be called the “paper” organization, which may 
be easily effected; and there is what may be called the 
“institutional” organization, which has its roots deep in the 
minds of its members and which requires years for its devel¬ 
opment. The former is best illustrated by the organiza¬ 
tions of the minor parties. A State central committee com¬ 
posed of one member from each congressional district is 
appointed; a congressional committee composed of one rep¬ 
resentative from each county is chosen for each congressional 
district; a similarly constituted committee is selected for 
each judicial district; and in each county a committee is 
organized which is composed of representatives from all the 
townships in the county. The mechanism is complete, but 
in spite of its completeness is ineffectual because it is artifi¬ 
cial in its nature and does not exist in response to the de¬ 
mands of any considerable part of the people. It exists for 
the most part in the minds of the few men who are its pro¬ 
moters and managers. It is not a great organic party, 
although it manifests all the outward signs of an organic 
party. As a matter of fact it is far from possessing this 
complete machinery—a condition which only emphasizes 
the radical difference between this imperfect organization 
and that which is genuinely institutional in its character. 

This latter type is illustrated by either of the great par¬ 
ties, but especially by the Democratic party which has be¬ 
hind it a century of unbroken tradition. Its outward 


6 


appearance is the same as that of the minor party; its form 
of organization is the same; and its methods are the same. 
But it differs from the minor party as the sound nut differs 
from the empty shell; and it differs in precisely the same 
manner. The one is a complete organization with that inner 
vital life which makes it the organic party that it is; the 
other is the mere outward form—the empty shell. The 
difference is a psychological one. Men are born into the 
Democratic party and instinctively become an inherent part 
of this great mechanism. They unconsciously acquire the 
habit of Democracy, as it were, and act with that party as 
naturally as they adjust themselves to the social world of 
which they are a part. It is this institutional organization 
which has made our great parties live from decade to decade, 
and has given them the mighty power that is theirs. It is 
this type of organization which offers to the student of poli¬ 
tics a rich field for research and study. An appreciation of 
this point of view is essential to a correct understanding 
of party organization in Iowa. 

The first settlements in the State were made at a time 
when Andrew Jackson was at the height of his power. 
Party discipline had been made effective. The spoils system 
had but recently been introduced, and the efficiency of thor¬ 
ough organization been made manifest. The early settlers 
of the Black Hawk Purchase, which was then a part of the 
Territory of Michigan, were largely from the southern 
States where party feeling ran high and party lines were 
rigidly drawn. The instinct for politics was in them. The 
training for party management was theirs. Naturally one 
of the first suggestions that came to them after their emigra- 


7 


tion to the country west of the Mississippi was their organ¬ 
ization as a part of the great national parties to which they 
belonged. By this means better than any other could their 
interest in national politics be maintained and the local 
interests of their new home promoted. But their first 
efforts at organization were not only the result of a desire 
to serve the public good; they were a necessity. The germ 
of party organization was in them, and it could no more 
help springing into life than can the bud into bloom. Even 
though the organization at first was very incomplete and far 
less efficient than it has since become, yet it satisfied the in¬ 
stinctive desire of the Iowa pioneers for party association. 
They were unable, and indeed had no inclination, to dis¬ 
card their party prejudices and antipathies, and this early 
organization was a natural outgrowth of their strong party 
convictions. In other words the consciousness of member¬ 
ship in the two great parties was brought to Iowa by the 
first settlers, and the local organizations began at once to 
develop along the lines followed in the States from which 
they came. The fact that the population was very small 
and that the influence of the Territory upon the current 
political opinion was quite imperceptible, was either un¬ 
thought of or ignored. The first opportunity to draw party 
lines, and by so doing to furnish the necessity for local 
organization, was seized with avidity, and used in as effective 
a manner as the territorial conditions would permit. 

This opportunity came in the year 1836 just after the 
creation by Congress of the Territory of Wisconsin, in 
which the Iowa District was included. The occasion was 
the election of the first territorial legislature in which the 


Iowa District was represented by eighteen members in the 
House of Representatives and nine members in the Council. 1 
At once after the organization of the Territory and even 
before the apportionment of the representation to the differ¬ 
ent counties by Governor Henry Dodge, candidates began 
to announce themselves and to make appeals to the voters 
for their support. The only records we have of this first 
campaign are found in the files of the Du Buque Visitor , 
the first newspaper published within the limits of the Iowa 
District. 2 The first reference to the pending campaign is 
found in the issue of August 10, 1836, in which the follow¬ 
ing announcements appear. These may be taken as typical 
of the statements made by the candidates and their friends 
in announcing their candidacies. 

Messrs. Editors:—You will please to insert in your paper,‘that I 
intend offering myself as a candidate for Constable for this county at 
the ensuing election. 

Yours respectfully, 

Dux-ango, 5th July, 1836. C. Keller. 

Whether Mr. Quigley or his friends were responsible for 
the second announcement is veiled in mystery. 

If Patrick Quigley, Esq. will consent to become a candidate for 
the Council at the ensuing election, he will be supported by 
Du Buque, Aug. 10, 1836. Many Voters. 

The first suggestion as to the need of concerted action in 

1 Of this number Des Moines County was entitled to 7 representa¬ 
tives and 3 councilmen; Iowa County to 6 representatives and 3 
councilmen; and Dubuque County to 5 representatives and 3 coun¬ 
cilmen. 

* Published May 11 , 1836, to June 16, 1838. On file in the library 
of the Historical Department of Iowa, Des Moines. 



9 


the nomination of candidates is in a communication from a 
citizen who signed himself “Voter,” which appeared in the 
issue of the Du JBuque Visitor of August 17, 1836. He 
suggested that in order to have every part of the county 
represented in the legislature, a convention of the citizens 
of the county should be held at Dubuque or some other 
suitable point, for the purpose of nominating candidates. 
This convention, he thought, would give the people an op¬ 
portunity to become acquainted with one another and with 
their candidates, insure equal representation to the different 
parts of the county, and guarantee the capability of the men 
nominated. This communication brought forth a protest in 
the issue of the following week, in which it was claimed 
that the candidates had the right to announce themselves in 
any civil manner they may choose. A week later a second 
protest against the plan of calling a caucus appeared. This 
came from a candidate, who closes his protest with this elo¬ 
quent defense of the people’s character. “This people, this 
enlightened people revolt at the idea of relinquishing their 
free right of suffrage into the hands of a few self-important 
individuals.” Two weeks later, in the issue of September 
14, “Voter,” the originator of this discussion, replied to his 
critics and argued strongly for the county convention. He 
takes pains, however, to state his opposition to the “secret 
caucus system.” The following week another citizen, sign¬ 
ing himself “A Miner,” answered the criticisms of those 
opposed to the convention and announced a meeting to be 
held on Saturday, October 1, for the purpose of nominating 
a candidate for delegate to Congress and candidates for the 
territorial legislature. It was expected that those who were 


10 


striving for the nominations would be present and address 
the convention. 

Thus far the discussion had been carried on by men of 
both parties, and the effort to secure a convention to nom¬ 
inate candidates acceptable to all the people was an attempt 
to promote a non-partisan election. It is fair to suppose, 
and later developments seem to substantiate the claim, that 
the Whigs, who were greatly in the minority, were largely 
responsible for this non-partisan plan. But the Democrats, 
much stronger in numbers than the Whigs, could not endure 
the thought of seeing men of opposite political faith rill¬ 
ing offices which they themselves had power to control. 
The instinctive feeling of opposition to anyone and anything 
not in sympathy with the time-honored Democracy, came at 
once into play. Democrats were of one accord. All de¬ 
sired to see their party supreme in the new Territory. But 
this desire to control the acts of the legislature, and through 
them the destiny of the Territory, was due no more to their 
belief that their party could best serve the interests of the 
Territory than to their inborn wish to present an unconquer¬ 
able opposition to their political opponents. Devotion to 
their party led them to look upon this first campaign as a 
propitious one in which to effect a local organization. Ac¬ 
cordingly, the following call for a convention, which illus¬ 
trates in an excellent manner the institutional type of party 
organization, appeared in The Du Buque Visitor of Sep¬ 
tember 21, 1836—the issue which contained also the call 
mentioned in the preceding paragraph. 


11 


A CALL. 

To the Democrats of Du Buque County. 

An important election is about to be held for the choice of Coun- 
cilmen and Representatives in the Legislative Assembly of this new 
Territory. At such an important epoch as the first election for legis¬ 
lative officers for this vast scope of country, it is not proper that the 
Democracy of this county should stand idle. The price of liberty is 
eternal vigilance. The character of the first Legislative Assembly 
will have an important bearing upon the future political prospects of 
the States that will be formed from tl is Territory. The enemies of 
the people are always upon the alert. They are always ready and 
anxious to plant their noxious principles wherever they will take root. 
Let not the Democracy of the county be stigmatized as too dull to 
apprehend their rights, or too indolent to maintain them. But, fel¬ 
low-citizens, be not deceived by hollowhearted professions of friend¬ 
ship. We have been told that all who cry Father! Father ! shall not 
enter the Kingdom of Heaven; neither shall all those who cry “De¬ 
mocracy” and “the people” be considered as genuine disciples of Jef¬ 
ferson and Jackson. There are those who, to effect a temporary 
object, may seem to adopt our principles, although they are at vari¬ 
ance with their past conduct. Trust them not; they have clothed 
themselves with the lion’s skin, but elect them to office and they will 
show by their braying what they are. You hear a great deal said, 
fellow-citizens, about “no-party,”—that the citizens of this Territory 
have nothing to say in politics, and that the question should not be 
raised at the coming election. These are but the arts and snares and 
stratagems of a wily enemy. Examine the list of candidates offered. 
How many of them do you recognize as your political friends, who 
stood by President Jackson in “days of panic,” and whose good 
wishes now are for the success of the Democratic candidates, Van 
Buren and Johnson? Depend upon it, those who are not for us are 
against us. “No party men” and “fence men” are always against 
the Democratic party—and we had better have an open enemy than 
a pretended friend. 


12 


It is well known that a large majority of the citizens of this county 
are democrats, friends of Jackson and Van Buren, and it is highly 
important that this majority should have something to say in the 
choice of public officers. They can only effect their object by union 
and concert of action among themselves. In union there is strength 
and victory. But if we permit our enemies to retain the vantage 
ground which they have assumed—if we suffer our strength to be 
frittered away by casting our votes in the dark for candidates with 
whose principles we are unacquainted and without any understand¬ 
ing amongst ourselves, we shall ensure the election of a majority of 
our political opponents. For the purpose, therefore, of ensuring 
concert and union among themselves, the Democratic Republicans of 
Du Buque County are invited to meet at the cabin of Mr. Miller at 
the mouth of Bee Branch on Cooley, near Samuel Hulitt’s, on e 
26th day of Sept, (inst) at 10 o’clock A. M. for the purpose of tak¬ 
ing the necessary steps preparatory to the next general election in 
this Territory. 

Sept. 19, 1836. Many Democrats. 

The convention was held in accordance with this remark¬ 
able call, and in the next week’s paper appeared an account 
of the proceedings. The chairman of the convention was 
W. W. Chapman, who was afterwards the first delegate to 
Congress from the Territory of Iowa . 1 A committee of 
eleven was appointed to select the candidates for the ensu¬ 
ing election, and a committee of five to draw up resolutions 
and an address to the people. Col. George W. Jones was 
nominated for the office of delegate to Congress, three of 
the leading citizens of Dubuque for the Council, and four 
for the House of Representatives . 2 One vacancy in the list 

x The Territory of Iowa was organized July 3, 1838. 

8 The candidates nominated for the Council were Stephen Lang¬ 
worthy, John Foley, Thomas McCraney. Those nominated for the 
House, H. T. Camp, P. H. Engle, Hardin Nowlin, Patrick Quigley. 



13 


of candidates for the House was left to be filled by the 
Democrats from the lower end of the county, who were not 
represented in the convention. The report of the committee 
on resolutions expressed great confidence in General Jackson 
and his administration; considered the election of Van Buren 
and Johnson as necessary to the country’s prosperity; 
deemed it necessary that the laws of the Territory should 
be democratic in their features; condemned the acts of their 
political opponents; and required the candidates of the con¬ 
vention to pledge in writing (the pledges to be published 
as well) to do all in their power to secure the seat of the ter¬ 
ritorial government for Dubuque. 

Two of the candidates 1 nominated at once prepared and 
had published long communications in which they accepted 
the nominations, stating how unworthy they would be if 
they refused to respond to the wishes of the people, and 
giving their personal views upon both local and national 
questions. 

In this same issue of the Visitor, that of September 28, 
1836, appeared a call, signed by “Many Voters,” in which 
the miners and citizens of Dubuque County generally, who 
were opposed to caucus dictation, were invited to meet at 
the Methodist church in Dubuque on Saturday, September 
31, for the purpose of making arrangements for the coming 
election. It was expected that the candidates for the legis¬ 
lature would be present and again address the people. 

When the day of the election arrived there were seven 
active candidates for the three positions on the Council, and 
seventeen candidates for the five places in the House of 


*P. H. Engle and Stephen Langworthy. 



14 


Representatives. The Democrats succeeded in electing two 
of the three candidates for the Council and all four of the 
candidates nominated for the House. 1 Although no records 
could be found to give the facts, it is probable that the 
manner of conducting the campaign and the election in Des 
Moines and Iowa counties was similar to that used in 
Dubuque. As compared with the thoroughly organized 
campaigns of the present day, it was most simple and inef¬ 
fective. The campaign was almost entirely a personal one 
in which the candidates themselves took the largest part. 
In fact, the work of the candidates was practically all that 
was done to promote the interests of the opposing parties. 
There were no central committees to direct the campaign 
and to effect an organization of the party workers for a 
thorough canvass in the different counties. Several years 
were to pass by before this feature of the modern party 
organization was to be adopted. 

The death, in the spring of 1837, of one 2 of the men 
elected to the House of Representatives, caused a vacancy 
which was filled at a special election held July 10, 1837. 
The methods of nominating the candidates and conducting 
the campaign were similar to those already described. Some 
of the candidates announced themselves; others were brought 
forward by admiring friends. Some were nominated in 

1 The number of votes polled in the town of Dubuque was 621, 
while the vote of the whole county exceeded 1000. Not all the votes, 
however, in the southern part of the county were polled. It is pos¬ 
sible that an earlier election may have been held while Iowa was 
still a part of Michigan Territory, although no records to this effect 
were discovered. 

* H. T. Camp. 



15 


mass conventions in different sections of the county; others 
came before the people without this formality and without 
the prestige which accompanied a convention nomination. 
All the candidates made use of the columns of the news¬ 
paper to communicate with the voters. Each one used 
whatever methods he deemed most effectual. A campaign 
more picturesque than that conducted by the modern 
smoothly and silently working machine, was the inevitable 
result. Men were just as eager for office then as now; just 
as willing to sacrifice themselves to the call of public duty; 
but the science of political management had not then been 
developed to its present state of perfection. 

In 1838 the territorial government of Iowa was estab¬ 
lished and an election of a territorial legislature was called 
for September 10th. At once party politics took on a more 
aggressive appearance, although party lines were not gener¬ 
ally observed in the first and second elections—those of 
1838 and 1839. In these first elections members of the 
legislature and delegates to Congress were the only officers 
chosen, and the Territory being so new, questions of purely 
local interest prevented the division of the voters upon 
strictly party lines. But in 1840 the whole situation was 
changed. Political enthusiasm ran high. The spirit of the 
great presidential campaign in the States pervaded the 
whole Territory. 

During the two or three years preceding the campaign of 
1840, large numbers of new settlers had come to Iowa, 
bringing with them strong party convictions and an enthu¬ 
siasm greatly excited by the coming presidential election. 
Iowa could have no part in that election, but that was no 


16 


reason why the followers of Harrison and Van Buren should 
be idle. The hereditary party feeling was too strong to 
permit of an inactive campaign. The result was that for 
the most part the legislature was elected by a party vote, 
the Democrats securing a small majority in both houses. In 
some of the eighteen counties which existed then, the county 
seat question and other considerations of a local nature pre¬ 
vented this strict party division. The Whigs seem to have 
lost more than the Democrats by defections of this kind. 
But even in these counties the minority party was so ag¬ 
gressive that it was necessary to look after the interests of 
the majority with the utmost care. This intensity of party 
feeling was strengthened by the efforts of the Democrats 
during the summer of 1840 to effect an organization of the 
Democratic supporters throughout the Territory. Many 
Democrats were opposed to this movement, but the pro¬ 
moters of the plan arranged for a territorial convention, 
which met at Bloomington (Muscatine) August 19, and 
nominated General A. C. Dodge for the office of delegate to 
Congress. The convention was not a large one, and was 
gotten up in a very informal manner. It was, however, the 
first attempt at party organization for the whole Territory, 
and as such is of peculiar interest to the student of this 
period. The editor of the Territorial Gazette and Adver¬ 
tiser ,* published at Burlington, referred to the nomination 
of General Dodge in 1840 in these words: 

The nomination of General Dodge by the democracy was the first 
step that had ever been publicly taken in the Territory towards a 

1 Editorial in issue of June 26, 1841. File of Territorial Gazette and 
Advertiser at the library of the Historical Department, Des Moines. 



17 


distinct party organization. A very respectable minority resisted 
tbe drawing of party lines as impolitic and out of time; and although 
the majority of such in the end fell in with and supported the nom¬ 
ination, it is well known that there are some who refused to do so. 

During the closing days of the campaign the Democratic 
leaders urged on the work of organization. As it became 
more and more evident that the Whig nominees on the 
national ticket would be elected, the zeal of the Democrats 
became more intense, with the result that they saved the 
day and elected General Dodge by a small majority. 

When the legislature met in the fall both houses were 
organized on party lines, with the Democrats in control—a 
circumstance which tended to increase the already intense 
party feeling and gave a marked impetus to the work of 
organization. The actual control of the legislature gave 
the Democrats a knowledge of their strength; the fact 
that the Democratic majority in each house was very small 
made the Whigs see the possibilities that lay behind an 
effective party organization. The result was a greater 
activity among the rank and file of both parties, and a closer 
feeling of kinship among the party leaders in the legislature. 
It is a significant fact that the division of the parties in the 
legislature was due largely to a question of patronage. The 
question whether the legislative printing should be given to 
the Havokeye or to the Gazette —the official organs of the 
Whig and Democratic parties respectively—was the cause 
of this division and was a bone of contention during the 
entire session. 

The failure of several Democratic legislators, who were 
elected by the aid of the Whigs, to abide by their ante-elec- 


18 


tion promises that they would oppose the organization of 
the legislature upon party lines, gave great encouragement 
to the work of organization among the Whigs. The Burling¬ 
ton Hawkeye and Patriot , edited by James G. Edwards, a 
stalwart Whig, did valiant service for the party in its advo¬ 
cacy of concerted action. In the issue of November 12, 
the editor “trusts that all the Whigs in this territory will 
have an eye upon a thorough organization of the Harrison 
party before winter closes.” Three weeks later there ap¬ 
peared an editorial on Organization in which it was urged 
that the Whigs should follow the Democrats in effecting an 
organization of the party throughout the territory. It was 
suggested that if a general meeting of the Whigs could not 
be held in some suitable place, steps should be taken at 
once to insure active and harmonious efforts in the interest 
of the party in the different counties. It was proposed that 
a general jubilee to celebrate the election of General Har¬ 
rison to the presidency might be held at Burlington while 
the legislature was still in session, and that the plans for 
the organization of the party might then be adopted. But 
if this was inconvenient, a “Territorial Corresponding Com¬ 
mittee” should be appointed who should correspond with 
such persons in each county as were recommended by the 
Whig members of the Legislature. These men should be 
instructed to call county meetings where the issues between 
Harrison and Van Buren should be discussed. In this way 
the Whigs could be united and victory assured. 

Four weeks later, December 31, there appeared a call, 
signed by William B. Ewing and Henry W. Starr, for a 
meeting of the friends of William Henry Harrison through- 


19 


out the Territory to be held at Burlington, January 6, 1841. 
Although the time for circulating the notice of the meeting 
was very short, a goodly number of prominent Whigs from 
different parts of the Territory assembled at the appointed 
time. The meeting was held in the Methodist church and 
was presided over by R. P. Lowe of Bloomington. After 
a committee had been authorized to draw up a congratula¬ 
tory address to General Harrison, resolutions to the follow¬ 
ing effect were adopted:—That the meeting should proceed 
to the organization of the Democratic Whig party, for the 
Territory of Iowa, with a view to produce a union and con¬ 
cert of action in regard to its interests and duties; that a 
central committee 1 to consist of five members from Des 
Moines county and one member from each of the remaining 
counties should be appointed; and that the meeting should 
recommend to the Whig voters in the several counties that 
they organize and appoint county committees and unite 
their influence with that of their fellow-citizens in an en¬ 
deavor to produce a harmony of feeling and a zealous coop¬ 
eration in every honorable effort to ensure success to the 
Democratic Whigs of Iowa in their future proceedings. In 

1 The central committe chosen in accordance with these resolutions 
was composed of the following persons: Henry W. Starr, J. P. 
Bradstreet, James G. Edwards, J. D. Learned, W. B. Ewing, all 
from Des Moines county; Stephen Whicher, Jr. of Muscatine; G. C. 
R. Mitchell of Scott; Hamilton Robb of Henry; Horace Smith of 
Johnson; Daniel F. Miller of Lee; George H. Walworth of Jones; 
Isaac N. Lewis of Van Buren; Francis Springer of Louisa; James 
Crawford of Dubuque; Robert C. Bourne of Clinton; J. K. Moss of 
Jackson; Dr. J. S. Waugh of Jefferson; A. Cowles of Linn; S. P. 
Higginson of Cedar; Lemuel G. Collins of Washington; Quigley, 
P. M. of Clayton. 



20 


a second resolution it was voted to recommend the holding 
of a convention at Davenport on May 5, for the purpose of 
nominating a candidate for delegate to Congress, and to 
instruct the central and county committees to report at that 
time the progress that may have been made in organizing 
the party throughout the Territory. It was also voted that 
the Central Committee should instruct the county com¬ 
mittees, and through them the people, to hold primary 
meetings at which delegates to the Davenport convention 
should be chosen. The representation in this convention 
was twice as many delegates for each electoral district, of 
which there were ten, as it had representatives in the legis¬ 
lature. 

At once the Whigs began the work of organization 
throughout the Territory. The same form of organization 
was adopted in all the counties by the conventions called for 
that purpose. The proceedings in Louisa county were typ¬ 
ical of those in all the counties. Here a mass convention 
was held January 6, 1841, for the purpose of selecting dele¬ 
gates to the territorial convention, of choosing a County 
Central Committee, and of perfecting plans for the local 
organization. A committee was appointed to submit a list 
of delegates to the convention and a list of persons to con¬ 
stitute the county committee. This committee was made 
up of one person from each township. Resolutions were 
adopted to the effect that, as vigilance and a perfect organ¬ 
ization are the only means of preserving and perpetuating 
the principles of democracy, it should be recommended 
to the Whigs of each township to organize immediately 
by the formation of township committees of vigilance, 


21 


and by the adoption of such other measures as might be 
deemed expedient. The members of the County Committee 
were authorized to call meetings in their respective town¬ 
ships for these purposes. The County Committee was also 
authorized to call a convention at which candidates for all 
the county offices should be nominated. The resolutions 
also advocated thorough organization throughout the Ter¬ 
ritory and pledged the support of Louisa County to the 
candidate of the Davenport convention. Particular emphasis 
was laid upon the necessity of supporting the party ticket. 
It was the claim of the Whigs that they had the numerical 
strength to carry the Territory, and this could easily be 
done if all would unite upon a candidate and support him at 
the polls. The result was that in all these first county con¬ 
ventions the members pledged themselves to support the 
convention nominees and to discourage the running of inde¬ 
pendent candidates. Township meetings were held as rec¬ 
ommended, vigilance committees appointed, and plans 
adopted for an effective campaign. 

Similar plans were adopted in the other counties, and by 
the time of the Davenport convention the Whigs of the 
Territory had been pretty thoroughly aroused. The con¬ 
vention assembled May 5. All of the counties were repre¬ 
sented except Dubuque and Clayton. The delegates from 
these counties were unable to attend because of the bad con¬ 
dition of the roads, resulting from heavy rains. The object 
of the convention was to nominate a candidate for delegate 
to Congress. After a brief and friendly contest Alfred 
Rich of Lee County was made the nominee. The Central 
Committee, appointed at Burlington, was instructed to 


22 


report to the people an address suitable to the approaching 
election. It was recommended to the counties that they 
hold conventions for the purpose of nominating full Demo¬ 
cratic Whig tickets for the legislature and county offices, 
and that they discountenance the claims of all who would 
not submit to such arrangements. As an incentive for ag¬ 
gressive work it was voted to present a banner to the county 
giving the largest Whig majority for delegate to Congress. 

In the meantime the Democrats were putting forth equally 
energetic efforts to unify the interests and organize the forces 
of the Democracy. After the election of 1840 it was borne 
in upon the Democrats that they held the Territory by a 
very narrow margin, and that unless they did organize the 
Whigs would soon have control. This feeling was greatly 
intensified by the success of the Whigs in effecting an organ¬ 
ization at their jubilee meeting January 6, 1841. Indeed so 
urgent did the necessity for organization seem, that only 
eight days after the Whig meeting a similar meeting of the 
Democratic legislators and the Democracy of Burlington 
was held for the purpose of starting the work of organiza¬ 
tion throughout the Territory. They urged the Democrats 
of the different counties to adopt effectual measures for a 
thorough and efficient organization of the party, without 
which defeat would be inevitable. In the last three sections 
of their resolutions, their belief was expressed that the 
organization they desired could be best promoted and per¬ 
fected by township, county, and territorial conventions; and 
the holding of such conventions was recommended in order 
that the nominations for the various offices might be made 
by the people themselves and not by a few active and inter- 


23 


ested parties. They recommended also the holding of a 
territorial convention at Iowa City on the first Monday in 
June for the purpose of nominating a delegate to Congress. 
It was voted further to request the Democratic electors of 
each county to nominate full county tickets and to discoun¬ 
tenance the pretentions of all other aspirants of their own 
party. It was also decided that a Central Committee 1 to 
consist of five members from Des Moines County and com¬ 
mittees of correspondence to consist of one member from 
each remaining county should be appointed, and that it 
should be recommended to the voters to organize county 
committees and to unite their influence with that of their 
political friends in an effort to produce a harmony of feeling 
and a zealous cooperation in every honorable effort to en¬ 
sure success to the Democratic party in all its future pro¬ 
ceedings. 

The plan thus adopted was exactly the same as that 
adopted by the Whigs the week before, notwithstanding the 
Democrats of Burlington had ridiculed it at that time. In 
fact the resolution providing for the appointment of a 
Central Committee was taken almost word for word from 
that of their political opponents. Likewise, the plans fol- 

1 The Central Committee chosen was as follows: Stephen Gear¬ 
hart, John Johnson, George Hepner, James M. Morgan, J. W. 
Woods, all from Des Moines County; John Cams of Van Buren; Sul¬ 
livan S. Ross of Jefferson; William Thompson of Henry; Thomas 
Baker of Washington; Samuel C. Trowbridge of Johnson; James W. 
Isett of Louisa; Edward E. Fay of Muscatine; Harman Van Antwerp 
of Cedar; Andrew Logan of Scott; Samuel R. Murray of Clinton; 
John G. McDonald of Jackson; Thomas McCraney of Dubuque; 
Frederick Andross of Clayton; John C. Berry of Linn; Thomas 
Denson of Jones. 



24 


lowed out in the work of organizing the counties were simi¬ 
lar to those already described as being used by the Whigs. 
They provided for the holding of primary township meet¬ 
ings for the purpose of appointing township committees and 
devising plans for a more complete organization; for the 
appointment of delegates to the county conventions, at 
which full tickets should be nominated and a county central 
committee chosen; and for the selection of delegates to the 
territorial convention—each county to send twice as many 
delegates as it had representatives in the legislature. 

As in the case of the Whigs, the party workers responded 
nobly to this call, enthusiastic meetings were held, and local 
tickets nominated, so that by the time June arrived the 
Democracy of Iowa was ready for the territorial convention 
and the vigorous campaign that was to follow. In this 
work of local organization great care was taken to impress 
upon the voters the need of supporting the party ticket at 
all times and under all circumstances. Each party claimed 
that the other was raising the “no-party” cry in order to 
mislead the critics, while at the same time it was secretly 
perfecting its own organization. But this was merely a 
campaign cry. Both parties, as expressed in their leading 
newspapers, were anxious for a strict party division; and 
they hoped to bring this object about by their thorough 
organization. 

The Democratic territorial convention assembled at Iowa 
City at the time designated in the call. There were one 
hundred and fifty delegates present, representing all the 
counties except Scott and Clinton. General A. C. Dodge 
was renominated for the office of delegate to Congress, and 


25 


plans were made for an aggressive campaign. In the elec¬ 
tion that followed the Democratic candidate was successful 
by a majority of 513. 

Our present political machines, which work so perfectly 
and effectually, are the evolutionary product of this early 
organization. The mechanism has remained the same. 
The form of the organization is unchanged, but its spirit 
and methods are entirely different. The evolution which 
has gone on has not resulted in the invention of new 
machinery, but in the perfection of that which already 
existed. This evolution, of course, was more rapid in the 
older counties. In the newer counties the work of organi¬ 
zation gradually developed as the population increased and 
the importance of the local political units became greater. 
But in none of the counties was the organization made com¬ 
plete from the first. The work of establishing the county 
machine, with all its representatives in every township and 
school district, was slow, and for many years was attended 
with only partial success. 

The institutional party was brought to Iowa by the 
first settlers, and the first organizations were due to their 
instinctive desire for party association and for affiliation 
with the parties in the States from which they had come. 
But as the Territory developed and the time drew near for 
her admission into the Union, the interest of each party 
in its organization was greatly intensified by the further 
desire to see the new State organized under its own super¬ 
vision, and the policy of the new Commonwealth under its 
own control. The struggle over the question of holding a 
State constitutional convention, and the difficulty of secur- 


26 


ing the adoption of the Constitution after the admission of 
the State had been agreed to, were largely due to this con¬ 
test for party supremacy. The tightening of party lines 
and attempts at party discipline were the natural result. A 
great impetus was given to the work of organization in both 
parties. 

The advent of the slavery question into Iowa politics gave 
a second and even greater impetus to party activity. Al¬ 
though it meant, eventually, the division of one party and 
the dissolution of the other no change in the form of their 
organizations was due to its introduction. The Democratic 
party was inclined to be pro-slavery in its sympathies 
although many of its members were opposed to slavery ex¬ 
tension and united with the Whigs in 1856 to organize the 
new Republican party. The Whigs were largely anti¬ 
slavery men, and, as the interest in the subject grew, were 
able to increase their strength until, in 1854, under the 
leadership of James W. Grimes they for the first time 
elected their State ticket. Opposition to Douglas’s Ne¬ 
braska Bill was the keynote of this campaign, and carried 
the State for the Whigs by nearly two thousand majority. 
The following year, with a total vote which had been in¬ 
creased by only five hundred, they were able to carry the 
State a second time by a majority greater by three thousand 
than that of 1854. 

During these two years a new alignment of the parties 
was being made in most of the northern States. The op¬ 
ponents of slavery extension were coming together upon 
this single issue and organizing the Republican party to 
make their opposition effective. This movement met with 


27 


a cordial response from the anti-slavery people of Iowa. 
Immediately after the election of 1855 the plans for the 
organization of the Republican party were made, and by the 
first of the next year the time was ripe for a public an¬ 
nouncement. In the issue of January 14, 1856, of the 
Muscatine Journal is found the following call which was 
written by Governor Grimes, although that fact was not 
made known at the time. 1 

To the Citizens of Iowa. 

Believing that a large majority of the people of Iowa are opposed 
to the political principles of the present administration, and to the 
introduction of slavery into the territory now free, and also that 
made free by the compromise of 1820; and that the party, styling 
itself the “Democratic party,” are striving to make slavery a great 
national institution, contrary to the principles laid down in the 
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, as taught by the 
fathers of the Republic; we would call upon all such free citizens to 
meet in convention, at Iowa City on the 22nd of February, for the 
purpose of organizing a Republican party, to make common cause 
with a similar party already formed in several other states of the 
Union. 

Jan. 3rd, 1856. Many Citizens. 

The other Whig papers published the call, and at once 
the work of organization began in all parts of the State. 

1 In the same issue of the Muscatine Journal is found this editorial 
comment upon the call for the Republican convention. “Papers 
friendly to the above call will give it a publication in their columns, 
and urge upon their countrymen the importance of a representation 
in said convention. It will hardly be expected that a large delega¬ 
tion will be in attendance; but then, those who do go should be good 
men and true.” File of Muscatine Journal , in the library of the 
Historical Department, Des Moines. 



28 


Mass and delegate conventions were held in all the counties, 
and representatives chosen to the Iowa City convention. 
Great enthusiasm prevailed. Democrats of long standing 
united with their old-time political opponents in this effort 
against the extension of slavery into the territories. The 
convention, which assembled on February 22, 1856, more 
than satisfied the friends of the movement. The Muscatme 
Journal speaks of it in these words: 

It was the largest, most intelligent and enthusiastic ever convened 
in the state. The old settlers who have attended all the political 
conventions of the state since its organization, were unanimous in 
the opinion above expressed. Democrats who thronged the lobbies 
and aisles of the chamber during the session of the convention, 
frankly admitted that it never had its equal in point of numbers or 
ability in Iowa. We noticed one fact indicative of the character 
of the newcomers to this state, that the ablest speeches were 
delivered by those who have not resided within our borders over 
two years. The “old stagers” who have heretofore controlled, 
and we might say moulded, all the state conventions to suit them¬ 
selves, found in this convention a growth of young giants who over¬ 
powered them in many a well fought encounter and placed themselves 
side by side with the best intellects of the state. This was a most 
refreshing evidence of the sincerity of the mass. Every member of 
the convention thought for himself, and subscribed to the dictation 
of no other, and hence the honesty and integrity of the members, 
and the value of their proceedings. 

Four hundred delegates from all parts of the State were 
in attendance. Philip Velie of Lee County was made chair¬ 
man, and J. T. Lane, N. M. Hubbard, J. B. Stewart and 
C. C. Nourse were elected secretaries. Committees, con¬ 
sisting of one member from each county—thirty-nine in all 


29 


—were appointed to draw up resolutions and to choose 
candidates for State officers, presidential electors, and dele¬ 
gates to the national convention. Only one issue was con¬ 
sidered in the resolutions as adopted—that of opposition to 
slavery extension. In addition to the resolutions, there 
was issued an address to the people prepared by a com¬ 
mittee of which Hon. J. B. Grinnell was chairman and 
Samuel J. Kirkwood and William M. Stone, future Gov¬ 
ernors of the State, were members. 

The organization adopted by the Republicans was the 
same in form as that of the Democrats and Whigs. A 
State Central Committee 1 of five members was appointed. 
A committee of five in each of the two Congressional dis¬ 
tricts was chosen. County committees composed of repre¬ 
sentatives from all the townships were organized. Mass 
conventions were held, and every opportunity seized to 
make clear the issues between the two parties. 

This organization was as much institutional in its char¬ 
acter as that of either of the two parties from which its 
members were drawn. The instinct for organization was in 
them as in the first settlers of the State and the experience 
gained in the many heated contests between the Democrats 
and the Whigs gave them a knowledge of practical politics 
which was invaluable to them in the great campaign about 
to be waged in the cause of liberty. Their great success in 
this cause was due to the fact that their ability to use party 

1 The members of this first Republican State Central Committee 
were as follows: A. J. Stevens of Polk county; J. P. Grantham of 
Henry; W. E. Miller of Johnson; John Casady of Poweshiek; and S. 
M. Ballard of Audubon. 



30 


organization was reinforced by a profound conviction upon 
a great moral as well as upon a political question. To them 
the fate of the Republic hung in the balance, and their zeal 
for party supremacy was increased immeasurably by their 
championship of human rights. Furthermore the move¬ 
ment for the new party was a movement among the masses 
of the people and not among the political leaders alone. 
Otherwise it could not have developed into the great organic 
party, which it now is. 

As the summer of 1856 passed and the election day drew 
near, the Republican organization became more efficient and 
more complete, until, in the minds of its' members, it was 
almost irresistible. It won a sweeping victory in the elec¬ 
tion, and proved in an effective manner its inherent power. 

In the Dubuque Republican of November 26, 1856, is the 
following statement which expresses in a few words the 
feeling of the leaders of the new party: 

The Republican party of Iowa is now fully organized, and holds 
within its hands the destinies of the State. The Executive, Judici¬ 
ary, and both branches of the legislature are Republican, and the 
convention to revise the Constitution of the State has a strong work¬ 
ing Republican majority. 

The foregoing is a brief account of the beginnings of 
party organization in Iowa. As has already been suggested, 
our present great organizations are the outgrowth of these 
early attempts at party management. There has been a 
continuous development from that time to this. But this 
development has not altered the outward form of the organ¬ 
ization. The State, the congressional districts, the judicial 
districts, the counties, and the townships are still the basis 


31 


of its existence. A division of labor among the respective 
committees is still the rule of procedure. But the motive 
that controls the organization, and the methods by which 
its work is accomplished, are very different. 

No greater mistake can be made by the student of this 
question than to carry the present conceptions of party man¬ 
agement and machine politics into his study of this early 
period. The abnormal features of present day politics had 
not then developed. The idea of a State Central Committee 
practically controlling the policies of the State did not then 
prevail. There was no conception of an all-powerful polit¬ 
ical “machine” in our modern sense—an inner organization 
whose interests are often, if not always antagonistic to those 
of the great party it is supposed to represent. The party 
system in this State at that time was the normal one. The 
two great parties held within their ranks practically all the 
people of the State. The voters in each party were in a 
real sense members of its organization. There was no 
organization apart from the great mass of voters. In fact 
it was their organization, and theirs alone. The committees 
were thevr representatives; the responsibilities of the cam¬ 
paign were thevr burden; and its success was their glory. 
To-day the situation is very different. The great mass of 
voters have very little to say in determining the policies of 
the parties; they have even less to say concerning their 
management. The importance of the individual voter, ex¬ 
cept as he counts on election day, has greatly diminished; 
the importance of the party manager has greatly increased. 

The change that has taken place since the Civil War is 
illustrated by the difference in the manner of conducting the 


32 


campaigns. In the early days there were no attempts at 
regulating nominations by law. There was no primary 
system, and at first few party rules to be observed. For 
the first years anyone could stand as a candidate for any 
office to which he aspired. Later the parties succeeded 
almost entirely in preventing the candidacies of all except 
the party nominees. Independent candidates became excep¬ 
tional. But during all the time the campaign methods were 
simplicity itself as compared with the complicated pro¬ 
cedure of the present. The personal canvass made by the 
candidates was the principal means of stirring party enthusi¬ 
asm and of influencing public opinion. A joint debate be¬ 
tween rival candidates occasionally enlivened a campaign. 
No accurate knowledge of the party’s strength could be 
ascertained before the election. Except the circular letters 
published in the newspapers the candidates made very little 
use of campaign literature. A speech was sometimes printed 
in pamphlet form, but this was rare. The public rally and 
newspaper were the most successful and the most common 
methods of reaching the people. The party committees 
filled a subordinate place in the early campaigns. Their 
principal work was to arrange for the necessary conventions; 
to prepare an occasional address to the people; and to assist 
the different communities in effecting their local organiza¬ 
tions. The brunt of the battle was met by the candidates 
themselves, and the direction of the campaign was largely in 
their hands. 

Later years have made it necessary to surround the mak¬ 
ing of nominations with legal restrictions. Nomination 
papers must be filed with the Secretary of State. The print- 


33 


ing and marking of ballots are regulated by law. Party 
rules have become many. It is no longer possible for any 
man to stand as a candidate. He must first gain the con¬ 
sent of the party managers, and then secure the approval of 
his party associates at their primary meetings. The part 
which the party managers now take in making nominations 
is very different from that which they took in the period 
under discussion. Then, the committees were simply the 
agents of the voters and had no more influence in determin¬ 
ing the nomination of candidates than the rank and file. 
Now, through the influence of patronage, contributions for 
campaign expenses, allotment of campaign and public print¬ 
ing, the selection of places for the holding of conventions, 
and other means, the central committees are supreme, and 
have it in their power to secure the nomination of almost 
anyone whom they may wish to favor. 

But the methods of conducting the campaign itself have 
also greatly changed. The personal work of the candidates 
is no longer the controlling factor in the campaign. Its 
supervision is entirely in the hands of the State committee. 
Vast sums of money are used each year to distribute great 
quantities of campaign literature, and to hire campaign 
speakers. Every ward and school district in the State has 
its committeeman, and through him a thorough canvass is 
made. In a few days’ time the State committee can know 
the party preference of every voter in the State. The work 
progresses smoothly and quickly, each part of the machine 
doing its own work and contributing its full share to the 
final result. The influence of the machine is felt every¬ 
where, and in fact is predominant in the politics of the 
State. 


34 


In this State, as in other States and in the nation as a 
whole, this predominance of the party managers—the bosses 
—furnishes the great problem in our politics. To some the 
party boss is the natural product of the party system. To 
others his existence is due to abnormal conditions and in¬ 
fluences. To all his power is a source of danger and brings 
home to the student of present day politics the need of 
careful investigation into the source of this power—the 
party organization. 

That the party organizations have rendered service of 
great value to the State and nation cannot be questioned. 
In the early days of the State, when communication was 
difficult and communities were jealous of one another, the 
party organizations did more than any other cause to pre¬ 
vent sectional feelings. They united the interests of the 
people and brought them together in a common purpose 
and a common task. And this influence has been at work 
ever since. The fact that the great Democratic party never 
became a sectional party during the dark days of the Re¬ 
bellion, but remained in a true sense a national party, made 
the task of bringing the North and the South into genuine 
fellowship immeasurably easier than it otherwise would have 
been. That the party organizations have also fostered evils 
of the greatest consequence is equally true—a fact which 
only emphasizes the importance of the subject, and makes 
plain the duty of faithful study and a conscientious use of 
the facts discovered. 

John W. Ganna way 

Grinnell, Iowa 

























































































